FOIA Advisor

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)

FOIA Commentary: "Your Honor, May It Please the Court . . . I'd like to file a FOIA request!"

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)Ryan MulveyComment

As FOIA Advisor reported yesterday, Adam Schiff, a prominent Democrat in the U.S. House of Representatives, has introduced a bill that would make the judicial branch subject to the Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”). That legislation is called the “Judicial FOIA Expansion Act.” A copy of the congressman’s press release is available here. FOIA Advisor’s “legal eagles,” Ryan Mulvey and Allan Blutstein, offer their thoughts on Rep. Schiff’s proposal.

RM: I am not opposed to expanding the FOIA to cover parts of the legislative and judicial branches. In a 2019 article published in The Journal of Civic Information, my co-author and I suggested that Congress should consider making legislative branch agencies subject to the FOIA. (That scholarship was cited in the 2020-2022 FOIA Advisory Committee Final Report to support just such a recommendation.) The same logic cuts in favor of extending the FOIA to judicial support offices and agencies, such as the Administrative Office of the Courts. The Schiff bill, however, goes far beyond any modest attempt to make administrative agencies of the judicial branch subject to the FOIA. It would make the courts themselves, and the judges who fill their benches, “agencies.” I think that reform is ill-considered.

I’ll highlight what I think are the two biggest problems with this legislation.

First, the re-definition of an “agency” is awkwardly accomplished with a series of changes to Section 551. The bill would create a carve-out to the current exclusion of “courts” from the general APA definition of “agency,” as well as add a lengthy definition for “court of the United States.” This latter definition would perplexingly include non-court entities like the Sentencing Commission and Federal defenders. That’s a bizarre approach. The more natural change would be to modify the FOIA’s definition of “agency” at Section 552(f)(1), which is already different than Section 551(1), and then call it a day.

More troublingly, the proposed re-definition of “court of the United States” is extraordinarily expansive. It would include basically the entire federal judiciary, save the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court. It would even include “security or protective service[s]” that contract with the judicial branch, without regard for whether they are non-governmental vendors. On this last point, it may be possible to quibble with what it means to “use[] funds appropriated,” but allowing for such ambiguity is dangerous. It seems unnecessary to make security companies subject to the FOIA tout court, as opposed to ensuring agency control (through a governmental entity) over records concerning the performance of their contracted duties.

Second, the scope of this bill has been perhaps misleadingly described by Rep. Schiff on Twitter/X and in his office’s press release. We’re not just talking about access to “administrative records,” or materials under the control of the “administrative apparatus of the judicial branch.” Plainly read, this bill would make courts themselves (i.e., judges) into “agencies.” To be sure, there would be new, special exemptions, including for “[a]ny matter related to an ongoing case.” But that sort of provision presents its own problems. What happens when a case is no longer “ongoing”? The FOIA’s current exemptions would still be available, but do in-chambers deliberations qualify for withholding under Exemption 5? Under the deliberative-process privilege? Under what one article has called the “obscure doctrine” of judicial privilege? There is a lot of unknown territory here that hasn’t been well thought out. And don’t get me started on the proposed exemption for “[a]ny information not in the possession of the courts.” We’ve long moved past physical possession as determinative for legal control in FOIA jurisprudence. This kind of language has the potential to muck things up.

Let’s be honest. If this bill were ever to pass—and the chances are admittedly quite low—judges would be inundated with requests for their email and text messages. At a purely practical level, and setting other legal objections (even constitutional), if legislators aren’t willing to make themselves, let alone the President, subject to the kind of public scrutiny those comes with the FOIA, why should federal judges be treated differently?

AB: “Ill-considered” is a politer term than I would used to describe the Judicial FOIA Expansion Act, so it is probably for the best that you led off. This bill “cannot be taken seriously”—to borrow a phrase from Justice Scalia—for all of the reasons you mentioned, Ryan, particularly access to judicial communications. And if that possibility wasn’t apparent from the bill’s text or Congressman Schiff’s press release, Newsweek cleared things up with this headline: Supreme Court's Private Emails Could Be Made Public Under New Bill.

Since you mentioned the federal FOIA Advisory Committee, I’ll add that a champion of this bill, Michael Lissner of the Free Law Project, argued for greater judicial transparency in a March 3, 2021 presentation to the Committee (on which I served at the time). To his credit, Lissner recognized that a request model would raise problems, such as requests for voluminous records, establishing a workable appeal process, and the prospect of judges souring on FOIA oversight. Congressman Schiff’s bill does not overcome any of those problems. Notably, Lissner did not in 2021 suggest that communications to and from judicial chambers should be available, and I doubt many Committee members would have been receptive to that idea. Indeed, Lissner’s presentation engendered only one direct reaction, specifically from Villanova University professor Tuan Samahon, who recommended enacting a separate, affirmative disclose statute for certain judicial records instead of FOIA’s request model. Professor Samahon was right.

Commentary: Glomar is alive and well

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)Allan BlutsteinComment

On June 28, 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo overturned its 40-year-old Chevron doctrine, which the Court explained “sometimes required courts to defer to ‘permissible’ agency interpretations of the statutes those agencies administer—even when a reviewing court read the statute differently.”

In a hot take, Ryan Milliron, a FOIA blogger and frequent litigator, asserted that the Court’s decision would preclude federal agencies from issuing Glomar responses, that is, refusing to confirm or deny the existence of records sought under FOIA.

Mr. Milliron, a CPA by trade, is mistaken. FOIA Advisor’s Ryan Mulvey, lead counsel for the Cause of Action Institute team in the Loper Bright case, explains:

Chevron deference was never really relevant—with one possible exception, noted below—to judicial review under the FOIA. To start, the FOIA is clear that courts must adopt a de novo standard of review for all matters related to the withholding of an agency record. Such a standard isn’t expressly true, as a textual matter, for Section 706 of the APA, at least insofar as it pertains to questions of law. Second, and more obviously, no one agency is responsible for administering the FOIA, which applies across the federal government. See, e.g., Tax Analysts v. IRS, 117 F.3d 607, 613 (D.C. Cir. 1997). An agency wouldn’t even be able to get past “Step Zero” of the old Chevron regime. That was even the case with specific provisions that direct OMB to devise and publish uniform (i.e., government-wide) fee guidelines, too. OMB’s definitions simply weren’t entitled to any special deference. See Sack v. DOD, 823 F.3d 687, 692 (D.C. Cir. 2016); see generally Cause of Action v. FTC, 799 F.3d 1108 (D.C. Cir. 2015).

That said, things were always a bit tricky with Exemption 3, which cross-references withholding statutes that exist outside Section 552. As it stands, I believe there’s still a technical circuit split about whether or when deference to agency interpretations of the scope of an Exemption 3 statute are warranted. That split should now ostensibly resolve post-Loper in favor of good, ole’ de novo review across the board. Consequently, as with any question of statutory interpretation, a judge would provide his or her independent, best judgment about the scope of the withholding provision. And application of that statute in any particular FOIA case would (as before) be considered de novo.

As an aside, there are other kinds of ‘deference’ that exist in FOIA land, and which many requesters find troubling, especially given the statute’s promise of de novo review. Courts often afford significant deference to factual determinations set out in agency affidavits. Consider, for example, the language of “substantial weight” in Exemption 1 litigation, or the “good faith” and “regularity” presumptions in all cases. There’s also a radical uniqueness to FOIA and FOIA litigation that ends up giving de facto deference to the government. We might look to the the lack of an administrative record, the rarity of discovery, the multiple rounds of summary judgment so that agencies can get another bite at the apple, etc. Finally, the D.C. Circuit has decided to afford deference to an agency’s interpretation of its own regulations that provide for additional grounds for expedited processing beyond those set out in the statute. See, e.g., Al-Fayed v. CIA, 254 F.3d 300, 307 n.7 (D.C. Cir. 2001). (That, of course, implicates Auer deference, which is still good doctrine, albeit limited by Kisor v. Wilkie.) Loper Bright and the broader movement to reform the administrative state haven’t yet touched these kinds of concerns.

But to return to Mr. Milliron’s assertion, an agency that issues a Glomar response has only ever needed to persuade a reviewing court that acknowledging the existence or non-existence of requested information would constitute information that itself falls within a FOIA exemption. See, e.g., Schaerr v. DOJ, No. 21-5165, No. 2023 WL 3909471 (D.C. Cir. 2023). In evaluating such Glomar claims, as opposed to arguments about the scope of the underlying exemptions, courts were never required by Chevron to defer to agency legal interpretations. The matter was always de novo. Moreover, whatever factual deference might have been given to an agency’s affidavits would not have been required by Chevron. The recent abrogation of Chevron has absolutely no impact on Glomar responses, and it certainly doesn’t foreclose their use.

Congratulations to Mr. Mulvey and his colleagues at Cause of Action Institute, including FOIA Advisor’s Kevin Schmidt, on the landmark Loper Bright ruling.

FOIA Commentary: A few more remarks about Dan Metcalfe

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)Allan BlutsteinComment

FOIA Advisor noted two weeks ago that Dan Metcalfe had died in late January at the age of 72.  Apropos of “Sunshine Week,” below is more extensive tribute—with lots of citations (as Dan liked), to boot.

When I first met Dan in 2003, he asked me a question that quickened my heartbeat: “How many mistakes do you think you made on your resume?” I had prepared a lot for this interview, but not for that question. Was it just a test or did he have me dead to rights? I played it straight. “I had thought none,” I replied, “though now I have more doubt.” That was the right answer. Dan proceeded to point out one or two inconsistencies in my spacing—nothing I had ever noticed. After I got the job, which I wasn’t expecting after leaving his office, Dan surprised me with a phone call to tell me that DOJ would raise my starting salary, which I hadn’t negotiated or even complained about privately. Whether this was Dan’s doing I don’t know, but I appreciated his personal call. This was Dan (to me) in a nutshell: tough and generous.

More about Dan. He began his career as a trial attorney in the Department of Justice’s Civil Division, where he specialized in Freedom of Information Act and Privacy Act litigation.  One case he handled from this period that stands out is Lesar v. DOJ, 455 F. Supp. 921 (1978), aff’d 636 F.2d 472, 486-88 (D.C. Cir. 1980), which upheld the government’s withholding of personal information about Dr. Martin Luther King from records of its assassination investigation out of respect for the privacy interests of his surviving family.  This concept of “survivor privacy” was embraced by the U.S. Supreme Court a quarter century later in the landmark FOIA case, NARA v. Favish, 541 U.S. 157 (2004), which positively cited Lesar v. DOJ.  Dan also was involved in some of the earliest FOIA litigation establishing the government’s appropriate use of a Glomar response,[1].   

What Dan will be most remembered for, of course, is his 25-year run at DOJ’s Office of Information and Privacy, which he co-directed with Richard (Dick) Huff beginning in 1981.[2]  Among his many responsibilities, Dan directly supervised the defense of—by his count—more than 500 FOIA and Privacy Act litigation cases.[3] He also co-authored the DOJ’s Guide to the Freedom of Information Act, a legal treatise analyzing key judicial decisions that was relied on by both government and private practitioners.  His speaking appearances with Mr. Huff at training sessions and other events were audience favorites and became popularly known as the “Dick and Dan show.”

Dan was only 55 years old when he retired from DOJ in 2007 after 30 years of service.[4]  Wasting little time, he joined American University’s Washington College of Law later that year as both an adjunct professor and the founding director of the Collaboration on Government Secrecy, the first educational center of its kind.  In addition to his academic endeavors, which included hosting Sunshine Week events and other conferences, Dan found time to flex his litigation skills when he represented law school graduates in a protracted and ultimately successful Privacy Act lawsuit against DOJ.[5]  Dan closed CGS in 2014 to care for his ailing father, but he continued to teach law for several more years.

I cannot do justice to Dan’s innumerable professional accomplishments, but Dan will not be shortchanged.  Several months before his death, Dan published a memoir (with no shortage of endnotes) that chronicled his career and discussed notable transparency issues. [6]  Given the meticulous written work for which Dan was known, as well as his near-photographic memory, the last sentence of the book’s Preface rings loud and true:  “any factual error . . . is . . . entirely mine, only mine and actually doubly mine—but I warn anyone who thinks I made one that, by definition, ‘I was there,’ and that I kept darn good notes, of course.”[7]

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[1] See, e.g., Gardels v. CIA, 689 F.2d 1100 (D.C. Cir. 1982) (approving "Glomarization" that acknowledged overt contacts with educational institution but refused to confirm or deny covert contacts).

[2] See, e.g., DOJ, FOIA Update, “New FOIA Office Established,” Vol. III, No. 2 (1982), https://bit.ly/49Sns9O.  The name of the office was changed to the Office of Information Policy in March 2009, see DOJ, FOIA Post, “Annual FOIA Report Q&As,” (2009), https://bit.ly/3Tks2XV, in large part because OIP’s Privacy Act responsibilities had been transferred to DOJ’s Office of Privacy and Civil Liberties in March 2006.      

[3] I can claim credit for working on a few of those cases for Dan, whose edits in purple magic marker brightened many pages. A streak of two or three purple-free pages was an accomplishment for a rookie OIP litigator.

[4] DOJ, FOIA Post, “OIP Holds Silver Anniversary Celebration,” (2006), https://bit.ly/3wCI4ol.  Dan was appointed to Senior Executive Service at age 32, which may have made him the youngest SES appointee then and since.  

[5] Class of Attorneys Sues DOJ Over Job Denials Based on Ideology, Courthouse News Serv., July 1, 2008, https://www.courthousenews.com/class-of-attorneys-sues-dojover-job-denials-based-on-ideology/.  Following a six-year odyssey to the D.C. Circuit, the lawsuit was settled in 2014 for $572,000.  See Ben James, DOJ Settles Political-Bias Claims Over Honors Program, Law360, Mar. 17, 2014, https://www.law360.com/employment-authority/articles/519041/doj-settles-political-bias-claims-over-honors-program.    

[6] Daniel J. Metcalfe, Inside Justice: Secrecy at Work (2023).

[7] Id. at 3. 

Commentary: Notable court decisions of 2023

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)Allan BlutsteinComment

Federal courts issue hundreds of decisions in FOIA cases every year. Most do not break new legal ground or attract media attention. Before 2024 gets too far away, the legal eagles of FOIA Advisor -- Allan Blutstein (AB) and Ryan Mulvey (RM) -- look back at 2023 and discuss the decisions that stood out to them (in no particular order).

(1) Am. Civil Liberties Union Immigrants’ Rights Project v. ICE (2nd Cir. Jan. 26. 2023) — reversing and remanding district court’s decision that agency was not required to create and substitute unique identifying numbers for FOIA-exempt alien identification numbers. The panel rationalized that alien IDs were merely digital placeholders allowing agency officials to trace immigrants, the value of which outweighed the burden of substituting functionally equivalent, non-exempt placeholders.

AB: Requiring an agency to create identifiers that did not previously exist strikes me as the creation of a “new” record, which is precisely what the estimable Judge Nichols held in Institute for Justice v. IRS (D.D.C. 2021). That simple and logical proposition was too much for this panel to bear, however, because of the societal “value” it perceived in the information at stake (i.e., tracing immigrants). The result: a 40-page remand and a dubious precedent. I’ll save some space for rebuttal.

RM: You may not need the to provide a rebuttal! I appreciate the Circuit’s point that electronic records and, specifically, database-stored records give rise to unique problems. The breaking point here was ensuring the public has the same “person-centric access” that the agency enjoys with use of the A-Numbers. In other words, the Circuit believed the FOIA should require disclosure of records in a way that preserves their functional utility, even if that entails modifying an existing record in some way to protect exempt information. Is the substitution of the A-Number, in light of that principle, an impermissible “creation” of a record? It’s a close call. There should be a limit to the force of any functional-utility principle, but the Circuit acknowledged as much and ICE conceded it wouldn’t be burdensome to swap out the A-Numbers with unique identifiers. The Fifth Circuit addressed a different kind of record-creation question in Rutila v. Dep’t of Transportation, which we also plan to discuss, and there it distinguished ACLU as only involving the “alternation” of a record, rather than “creation” of a new one. It’s a sensible distinction in my opinion, given the facts.

(2) Citizens for Responsibility & Ethics in Wash. v. U.S. Dep’t of the Army (D.D.C. June 14, 2023) — ruling that communications between South Dakota state officials and the National Guard (a hybrid state-federal entity) did not fall within Exemption 5’s consultant corollary exception because they were not made for purpose of aiding the National Guard’s deliberations; noting that its ruling “produced an odd outcome considering that these discussions would be protected either under Exemption 5 (if wholly federal) and under South Dakota law (if wholly state) . . . and yet the very structure of the National Guard necessitates crossing federal-state lines.”

RM: There has been a lot of discussion about the consultant corollary over the past few years, ever since the Ninth Circuit considered Rojas v. FAA and the Fifth Circuit decided Jobe v. NTSB. This case struck me as factually interesting because the agency—the South Dakota National Guard—has “dual federal-state status.” Notably, the Court rejected the Army’s “joint venture” line of argumentation, which has been accepted by some courts in the DDC, and which depends, in my view, on a misreading and misapplication of the principles in Dep’t of the Interior v. Klamath Water Users Prot. Ass’n. That’s had more of an impact on records reflecting back-and-forth between agencies and Congress, but I’m still glad to see it rejected here.

AB: This result is unfortunate because State governors should be able to receive confidential advice from the armed forces under their command, as the court acknowledged. But the decision was compelled by longstanding precedent. The government’s “joint-venture” argument was denied because of lack of evidence, not on principle, so your good feelings about that aspect of the case might be misplaced.

(3) Citizens for Responsibility & Ethics in Wash. v. DOJ (D.C. Cir. Jan. 31. 2023) — reversing and remanding district court’s decision and concluding, in relevant part, that the agency failed to establish that the names of companies that supply the government with a drug used for lethal injections qualify as “commercial” information under Exemption 4; and Ctr. for Investigative Reporting v. DOL (N.D. Cal. Dec. 22, 2023) — concluding, in relevant part, that DOL improperly withheld EEO-1 reports pursuant to Exemption 4 after deciding—over the objections of six representative federal contractors—that the workforce demographic data contained within those reports did not qualify as “commercial.”

AB: In his last term before retirement, Judge Sentelle showed that he still had the right stuff with his concurring opinion in CREW. Given the circumstances presented, the names of the business contractors seem well within reach of the “commercial” threshold of Exemption 4—which I hope will be borne out on remand. As for the EEO-1 reports in CIR, I was surprised that the court did not alternatively rule on the confidentiality prong and foreseeable harm. I doubt the government would meet the latter test; I am less confident that the reports are non-commercial in nature. Because confidentiality is easier to establish under Exemption 4 after Food Marketing Institute, I suspect we’ll continue to see more of these commercial threshold challenges from plaintiffs .

RM: I agree with your last point, and since you raise the new test for confidentiality, permit me a brief digression. While I could guess why CREW conceded the pentobarbital contractors’ identities were “confidential,” at a more abstract level I’m suspicious that company names should ever qualify as “confidential,” regardless of whether they are “commercial.” To the extent the new “actually and customarily kept private” test leads to a different conclusion . . . well, that just illustrates why it is too malleable and prone to subjective application. As for the “commercial” question, I think this, too, ought to be an objective inquiry. “Commercial information” means “commercial information,” and it can’t simply mean any information held by or concerning a commercial enterprise. I find little persuasive force in Judge Sentelle’s concurrence, and I don’t think his rephrasing of the “relevant question” changes anything. I would wager the agency struggled to defend in its position in the first place precisely because company names are inherently “identifying” and not intrinsically “commercial.” I understand this time around the government is arguing the names are “commercial” because they “uniquely identify” “proprietary” “corporate identities.” We’ll see how things turn out, but color me skeptical the Circuit would think that a winning argument if it came up on appeal again. Turning to CIR, I agree it would have been difficult, on the record, for the agency to prevail on the alternative grounds, or at least on foreseeable harm. The case otherwise strikes me as a commonsense application of the logic of CREW v. DOJ.

AB: And—to steal your line—I agree with your last point. As for CREW, I am sympathetic with the view that the identities of government contractors should generally be known to the public. Not in this case, however. And surely the name of a company itself can have commercial value; it’s called goodwill. I will concede this much, however: just as Congress expressly protected the identities of unsuccessful contract bidders via legislation, it should do so here, too, in order to settle the matter definitively.

(4) Cause of Action Inst. v. Nat’l Oceanic & Atmospheric Admin. (D.D.C. May 24, 2023) — granting requester’s cross-motion for summary judgment; holding that the agency’s search was inadequate because it too narrowly defined what constituted “agency records” of a regional Fishery Management Councils because it only searched for correspondences “submitted to the chair” or “specifically discussed or disseminated at a Council meeting”; noting that guidance purporting to define an “agency record” improperly relied on the Federal Records Act; ordering agency to conduct a search of non-federal employee council members’ and staff’s personal email accounts and devices.

RM: In the interests of full disclosure, this is my case. Quite apart from the FOIA, I think the decision is notable because it deals with regional fishery management councils. Those councils have been in the news a lot with the Supreme Court considering Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo (another case I’m working on) and with the Fifth Circuit likely to hear an Appointments Clause challenge to the whole council system in Arnesen v. Raimondo. But the decision is also an important clarification of two FOIA principles. First, the Federal Records Act (“FRA”) and records-management laws don’t govern disclosure and cannot displace the FOIA. Here, the agency had tried to limit the scope of its “control” over records based on dubious guidance that relied on the FRA’s definition of a “record,” which is narrower than the FOIA’s definition. Second, “control” can extend to records of non-federal employees who are conducting business for the federal government, and an agency can’t end run around the FOIA by denying such non-employees agency-controlled e-mail accounts.

AB: I would tell you to “go fish” if I disagreed about anything, but I do not. Related, and since you co-authored an amicus brief that surveyed state open records laws, you might recall that a number of state legislatures also rely on a narrow definition of public records in considering what legislative records are subject to disclosure. In New Mexico, for example, communications held by individual legislators are not considered public records unless they are used or received by the Senate or House or a committee thereof, because—the argument goes—only those bodies exercise legislative authority, not individual legislators. In sum, good catch here, counselor.

(5) Buzzfeed, Inc. v. DOJ (2nd Cir. June 29, 2023) (summary order) — affirming district court’s decision that DOJ’s Inspector General properly relied on Exemption 7(C) to withhold the identity of a former senior employee from a report concerning that employee’s misconduct; noting that the employee’s rank, seriousness of wrongdoing, and absence of alternative access to the information favored disclosure, but agreeing with district court that disclosure would “do little to advance the public interest identified by [plaintiff]” and that disclosure would impact the privacy of victims, witnesses, and other third parties.

AB: The underlying case was discussed at some length during the American Society of Access Professional’s “Sunshine Week” presentation last year. My feeling then was that it was a close decision, that the district court made no obvious errors, and that—like many NFL replay reviews—the original call (either way) would not be overturned. Interestingly, the Second Circuit took into account that disclosure would create a risk of identifying victims and witnesses, an argument that the requester did not dispute but which the district court had found “speculative.”

RM: Yes, I recall that presentation. And there were similar discussions about the district court’s application of the Perlman factors at the other training events throughout the year. I agree that the balancing was close. Seeing as the Circuit didn’t find the risk to third parties to be “speculative,” it would have been useful to see a bit more explanation for how releasing the name of the retired official could have been used to actually identify victims and witnesses, whose names were otherwise redacted (without objection or challenge from the requester).

(6) Rutila v. DOT (5th Cir. July 10, 2023) — affirming, in relevant part, the district court’s decision that FAA was not required to take screenshots of certain requested information that was displayed to agency system users but could not be exported, because doing so would require the creation of new records; and Stevens v. HHS (N.D. Ill. Oct. 2, 2023) — finding that certain information contained in an agency database was readily reproducible via screenshots and would not impermissibly require the creation of new records.

AB: These cases deal with an issue similar to the one in ACLU v. ICE above, namely whether agency productions would require the creation of new records. To fulfill the request in Rutila, the FAA could not simply query a database; it “would have to open the relevant software, display the requested data, and take a screenshot of the displayed information.” Because the agency did not “actively maintain” the requested information “in any format,” the Circuit held that producing a screenshot would require creating a new record. In Stevens, by contrast, the information sought consisted of database query results. The court concluded that the database results were “readily reproducible” via screenshots and required to be produced pursuant to Section 552(a)(3)(B) of the FOIA. I am not an IT Specialist, but I am satisfied that the different facts of these cases warranted their respective outcomes.

RM: I found the Rutila court’s distinction of ACLU v. ICE to be satisfactory, as I mentioned above. I agree with your evaluation of Stevens, too. As far as I am aware, the outcome is consistent with other cases dealing with undisputed database data that can be reasonably extracted in a disclosable form or format.

(7) Am. Soc’y for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals v. APHIS (2d Cir. Feb. 16, 2023)affirming district court dismissal of “policy or practice claim” that alleged APHIS, as a result of its decommissioning certain databases of proactively disclosed records, was regularly citing “exemptions that do not apply” and engaging in “unreasonable, inexcusable and unexplained delays” while adjudicating requests and appeals for the same records previously hosted on the databases; holding that, “even assuming that a ‘policy or practice’ claim is cognizable [in the Second Circuit], . . . such a claim . . . [fails] because [Congress] . . . reversed the alleged policy or practice . . . [by] direct[ing] the agencies to ‘restore’ each decommissioned database ‘and its contents’ to the status quo ante . . . [and to make those records] available ‘in their entirety without redactions except signatures.’”

RM: Let’s start with the per curiam opinion. I’m not too bothered by the Circuit dodging the bullet and declining to definitively accept “policy or practice” claims. The district court decided they were justiciable, older circuit precedent is ambivalent, and other district courts will hopefully do the same in the future. On the merits, Congress had reversed the offending agency action and effectively provided the kind of equitable remedy a court would order by barring the agency from trying to decommission the database again in the future. I’m more worried about Judge Menashi’s concurrence. It’s true the concept of a distinct “policy or practice” claim is a little odd. If you go back and read Payne Enterprises, it was really about mootness, and Judge Edwards used “claim” in an ambiguous way. In truth, it’s quite troublesome for requesters to plead a stand-alone claim about an alleged unlawful “policy or practice” on the front end. And, as it now stands in the D.C. Circuit, a requester can’t even use a traditional “mootness” exception—you basically need to allege the elements of a separate Payne claim in the complaint. See Cause of Action Inst. v. DOJ, 282 F. Supp. 3d 66 (D.D.C. 2017). More broadly, I think Judge Menashi conceives of the court’s remedial authority too narrowly, and in a way that is inconsistent with Supreme Court jurisprudence concerning the broad equitable powers courts enjoy under the FOIA. It is entirely reasonable to characterize an unlawful policy or practice under the FOIA as a constructive withholding. And for that very reason—contrary to the Judge’s suggestion that a policy or practice claim might arise under the APA—courts have tended to reject claims under Section 702, except for narrow instances where the agency is violating its own implementing regulations, rather than the FOIA itself. Probably time for Congress to step in.

AB: I am not troubled by the per curiam opinion, either, for the same reasons you mentioned. I am even less concerned by the concurrence. Forget Congress, which is all-too susceptible to the trial lawyer lobby. Let’s go to the Supreme Court, shall we? Since you were just there, I am sure you would trust its judgment.

RM: Only if it’s my policy-and-practice case, and I get to make the argument, Allan!

HONORABLE MENTIONS (without comment)

Behar v. DHS (2d Cir. July 8 2022), cert denied, No. 22-578 (May 1, 2023) — declining to hear challenge to Second Circuit’s ruling that records obtained by the Secret Service from Donald Trump’s presidential campaign and transition were not “agency records,” or, alternatively, were protected from disclosure under Exemption 7(C).

Waterman v. IRS (D.C. Cir. Feb. 21, 2023) — affirming in part and reversing in part district court’s decision and holding that: (1) IRS properly relied on Exemption 5’s deliberative process privilege to withhold “evaluative” facts in an auditor’s memo concerning plaintiff’s suspected misconduct, but that the memo’s chronological collection of plaintiff’s statements was not exempt; (2) IRS improperly invoked Exemption 5 to withhold an auditor’s memo summarizing her telephone calls with plaintiff that, in the majority’s view, reflected no point of view; and (3) IRS properly invoked Exemption 5 to withhold an analysis of plaintiff’s disciplinary referral, including extracted facts pertinent to plaintiff’s alleged misconduct. In a partial dissent, one panelist opined that both auditor’s memos were deliberative because “(1) their purpose was to assist in a discretionary decision” whether to further investigate [plaintiff]) and (2) their authors selected facts that reflected a point of view (that plaintiff should be investigated).

Project on Gov't Oversight v. DHS (D.D.C. Feb. 20, 2023) — ruling, in relevant part, that DHS improperly relied on Exemption 5’s deliberative process privilege to withhold “unverified observations of first impression” from expert reports.

Commentary: 2023 FOIA news in review

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)Allan BlutsteinComment

As 2024 gets underway, the FOIA Advisor staff is pleased to provide a summary of the most notable FOIA developments that occurred outside the courtroom in 2023. We will discuss our top 2023 court decisions in a forthcoming post.

Legislation

The 118th Congress is off to a historically slow start, passing fewer than two dozen bills in its first year—none pertaining to the Freedom of Information Act. Several attempts were made, however.

  • On February 16, 2023. U.S. Senator Marco Rubio (R-FL) reintroduced the First Opportunity for Information to Americans Act of 2023. First introduced in June 2022, this legislation would bar agencies from releasing FOIA-requested records to foreigners and certain foreign entities.

  • On March 30, 2023, U.S. Senators Thomas Tills (R-NC) and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) and others re-introduced the Financial Regulators Transparency Act of 2023, which would extend the FOIA to regional Federal Reserve banks. On December 21, 2023, the reserve banks announced that they had voluntarily adopted a policy for public requests for information effective January 1, 2024

  • On June 6, 2023, U.S. Senators Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), and Peter Welch (D-Vt.) introduced the Open and Responsive Government Act, which aimed to restore Exemption 4’s National Parks test for confidential commercial information. The bill also attempted to reinforce the law’s presumptions of openness and transparency by underscoring any information outside of the scope of FOIA’s nine exemptions should be publicly available. 

  • On June 14, 2023, Congressman Jamie Raskin (MD-08) and Senator Ben Cardin (D-MD) introduced the Private Prison Information Act of 2023, which would require all U.S. government agencies comply with FOIA requests relating to private prisons, jails or detention facilities, including immigration detention facilities.

  • On June 27, 2023, a House appropriations bill for the Department of Defense was introduced that would prohibit the disclosure of certain records of service members without their consent. See Sec. 8139. The bill passed the House on September 28, 2023.

Regulatory updates

By our count, four agencies proposed changes to their FOIA regulations in 2023 that have not yet been finalized: Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board; Office of Management and Budget; Peace Corps; and the Postal Regulatory Commission.

Seven agencies issued final rules amending their FOIA regulations in 2023: Department of Commerce; Department of Defense; Department of State; EPA, Office of the Director of National Intelligence; Office of the Intellectual Property Enforcement Coordinator (EOP); and th Office of the.United States Trade Representative

Federal FOIA Advisory Committee

On June 8, 2023. the Federal FOIA Advisory Committee unanimously recommended that DOJ’s Office of Information Policy “issue guidance stating that whenever an agency withholds information pursuant to Exemption 5, the agency should identify the corresponding privilege(s) invoked.” The Committee is expected to vote on additional recommendations before the end of its term in June 2024.

Other agency updates

  • The Department of Justice announced on March 2, 2023, that federal agencies had received a record-high total of 928,316 requests in fiscal year 2022.

  • On March 13, 2023, nearly one year after the Attorney General issued a customary FOIA memorandum, DOJ’s Office of Information Policy released guidelines concerning the foreseeable harm standard enacted in 2016 and applying a presumption of openness.

  • FOIAonline, a request platform operated by the EPA, was decommissioned on September 30, 2023. At its height, 22 agencies used the platform. See related article here.

  • In October, the Department of Justice added a search tool to FOIA.gov that “helps the public more quickly locate commonly requested information.”

Interesting stories

We generally do not feature stories about the filing of FOIA requests or lawsuits, or stories that are based on records obtained via FOIA. But some are too quirky or consequential to ignore. Here are a few that captured our attention in 2023.

Commentary: FOIA metrics—FY 2022

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)Allan BlutsteinComment

On March 2, 2023, the Department of Justice published data reported by agencies in their annual Freedom of Information Act reports for fiscal year 2022. The data, available on the website FOIA.gov, indicates among other things that agencies received a record-breaking 928,353 requests and that the government’s overall request backlog increased nearly 35 percent. FOIA Advisor staffers Allan Blutstein (AB), Kevin Schmidt (KS), and Ryan Mulvey (RM) share their thoughts on the government’s FOIA metrics.

AB: As goes the Department of Homeland Security, so goes the government, FOIA-wise. And FY 2022 was not kind to DHS. Requesters deluged DHS with nearly 100k more requests than in FY 2021, and the department’s request backlog more than doubled from 25k to 52k. Other agencies also encountered difficulties, albeit on a smaller scale. For example, two popular targets for requesters, DOJ and State, saw their request backlogs rise by 32 percent and 25 percent, respectively. Of note, DOJ now has more backlogged requests at 64,982 than any other agency. A less FOIA-active cabinet agency, the Department of Education, suffered a 123 percent increase in its request backlog.

Processing times are always important to requesters, and in FY 2022 the Office of Science and Technology Policy stood out by taking an average of 409 days to process “simple” perfected requests. Even greater patience is required of requesters who submit “complex” requests to NARA, which reported taking 1048 days on average to process them.

KS: DHS drives the big topline numbers, but FOIA requests received surged in FY22 compared to FY21 among most cabinet agencies. Only Agriculture (19%), Commerce (23%), DOJ (5%) and VA (19%) saw reductions. Big increases at Energy (14%), HHS (14%), State (23%) and Transportation (18%) and smaller increases among the rest.

RM: What struck me was that, across the whole government, the total number of full-time FOIA employees dropped by roughly 300. If we focus on some of the bigger, cabinet-level agencies that have been mentioned so far, the agency-level fluctuation in staffing varies quite a bit. Labor saw no change in staffing. A few agencies increased staffing: DOD (+73), DHS (+41), HHS (+21), Interior (+12), HUD (+8), Treasury (+2), and Energy (+1). Other agencies cut their staffs: State (-45), Education (-31), Commerce (-24), DOJ (-13), Transportation (-9), and USDA (-4). The VA, oddly enough, stands out in a category of its own. Based on its annual reports, the VA’s number of full-time FOIA employees dropped by 299. At first that looked like it must be an error, but I double-checked the reports. It looks like all those employees had been found in the VHA.

AB: I’m glad you looked into staffing levels, Ryan, as that significantly influences the government’s ability to fulfill requests/appeals and processing time. It likely also affects an agency’s ability to collect processing fees from requesters. The available data indicates that agencies collected a meager $2.19 million in FY 2022, an infinitesimal fraction of the $543.7 million that agencies expended to process requests. Taxpayers should not be pleased by this flow of federal largesse, especially when only a minority of requests advance public interests.

Commentary: The top ten FOIA decisions of 2022

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)Allan BlutsteinComment

Federal courts issue hundreds of decisions in FOIA cases every year. Most do not break new legal ground or attract media attention. As 2023 gets under way, the legal eagles of FOIA Advisor -- Allan Blutstein (AB) and Ryan Mulvey (RM) -- look back at 2022 and discuss the top ten decisions that stood out to them (in no particular order).

(1) Barnes v. FBI (D.C. Cir. June 3, 2022) -- affirming district court’s decision that requester’s criminal plea bargain precluded requester from seeking government records pertaining to his case, because government identified legitimate criminal-justice interest in enforcing waiver provision.

AB: In 2017, the D.C. Circuit notoriously became the first court to reject a FOIA waiver contained in a plea bargain, holding that the government was required to demonstrate a “legitimate criminal-justice interest.” The dissent warned that the government would never be able to meet the Circuit’s nebulous test. So, I was pleased as pie to see the government prevail when the Circuit had another opportunity to consider the same issue. Earlier in the year, a district court upheld a plea agreement’s FOIA waiver, noting that plaintiff failed to identify any public policy harms that would override criminal justice interests favoring enforcement of plaintiff’s voluntary waiver. The Circuit’s balancing test is wrong, in my view, but at least it is not necessarily fatal for the government.

RM: The whole FOIA Advisor staff was troubled by the Circuit’s 2017 decision in Price, as I recall. I certainly found Judge Brown’s dissent in Price to be persuasive. So, I agree that Barnes is a welcome development. I would even venture to describe Barnes as a sort of reversal of Price. I was worried that post-Price it would be difficult to sustain any waiver precisely because of the way the Circuit described its apparent balancing test between the interest in enforcement and the public policy interests enshrined in the FOIA—including, importantly, the use of public records requests to seek exculpatory material. But the Barnes court seems to deny there even is a balancing test. Judge Katsas simply wrote that, so long as the government identifies a “legitimate” criminal-justice interest, “[n]othing more is required” to enforce a waiver. Is that really reconcilable with an honest reading of Price?

(2) Behar v. DHS (2d Cir. July 8, 2022) -- reversing district court’s decision and holding that: (1) records obtained by the Secret Service from Donald Trump’s presidential campaign and transition were not “agency records” because agency did not control them; and (2) even if disputed records qualified as agency records, they were protected from disclosure under Exemption 7(C).

RM: The Second Circuit applied the modified-control test to records exchanged between the Secret Service and the Trump presidential campaign and post-election transition team.  By itself, that’s a surprising approach.  The modified-control test—effectively, the first two Burka factors—is only supposed to be used in cases involving purported presidential or congressional records.  So, I think it’s a real question whether the proper test was employed.  At the same time, it may not matter.  Other courts that have considered access to transition-team records, for example, have likewise avoided Burka and instead looked to so-called “first principles” to find agency control lacking.  See, e.g., Democracy Forward Foundation v. GSA, 393 F. Supp. 3d 45 (D.D.C. 2019).  All the various “control” tests are ultimately grounded in a functional understanding of “agency record”; they are trying to grapple with what it means for a record to come into an agency’s “possession in the legitimate conduct of its official duties,” to quote Dep’t of Justice v. Tax Analysts.  I imagine the Second Circuit didn’t want to open a Pandora’s box of indirect public access to presidential campaign or transition team records through Executive Branch agencies.  I’d only add that Mr. Behar has filed a petition for writ of certiorari, which we reported last month.  The last petition to ask the Supremes to consider the legitimacy of a post-Tax Analysts control test—in fact, the same modified-control test—was ACLU v. CIA, 823 F.3d 655 (D.C. Cir. 2016), cert. denied, 137 S. Ct. 1837 (Apr. 24, 2017).  The unique aspect of Behar, however, is the Circuit reversed despite the agency waiving the control issue below during summary judgment and neither party raising it on appeal.  It’s interesting to consider whether the decision violates the party-presentation principle and is otherwise adequately justified by the meager evidentiary record.

AB: You’ve given this decision a lot more consideration than me, perhaps because your employers have gamely litigated several “agency record” decisions before the D.C. Circuit. Be that as it may, I had no qualms with the Second’s Circuit approach here. Presidential campaign and transition records warrant the same special treatment that the court afforded to White House’s visitor logs two years earlier in Doyle. The alleged procedural defects set forth in the petition for certiorari are striking, but I still wouldn’t bet on SCOTUS taking this case. If I am wrong, I’ll make sure the case is at the top of next year’s top ten list.

(3) Seife v. FDA (2nd Cir. Aug. 5, 2022) -- affirming district court’s decision that Exemption 4 protected portions of pharmaceutical company's successful application for accelerated approval of a drug. Of note, concluding that government met statute’s foreseeable harm provision, which the Court held, in the Exemption 4 context, required the government to address “the submitter's commercial or financial interests.”

RM: This is an important decision for the requester community, even though the government prevailed. It is the first Circuit decision to engage with the intersection of Exemption 4 and the foreseeable-harm standard. We mentioned the district court opinion on our list of top cases from the second half of 2020, but we expected the appeals court to delve into the Trade Secrets Act and the question of whether Exemption 4 is a “discretionary” privilege. Instead we got an opinion that considered which precise interests are protected by Exemption 4. The Second Circuit rejected the notion that Exemption 4 protected confidentiality as such, which it thought would have rendered the foreseeable-harm standard surplusage. Instead, the government must show how disclosure would reasonably be foreseen to harm the commercial or financial interests of a submitter. In a sense, the Seife decision brings back some flavor of the old National Parks test rejected by the Supreme Court in Argus Leader. That’s great for requesters. And the Circuit isn’t alone in its reading of the statute; Seife is consistent with how the case law is developing elsewhere.

AB: Bah, humbug. I agree this is good news for requesters . . . in the Second Circuit, at least. DOJ might (and should) decline to follow it elsewhere. This decision might take a little bit of steam out of any congressional efforts to undo the Supreme Court’s decision in Argus Leader, which did not address the foreseeable harm provision. It behooves me to note that competitive harm is not the be-all and end-all of the National Parks test. The D.C. Circuit—and subsequently, many other courts—also recognized that the government itself could be harmed if businesses declined to voluntarily provide information that the government needed. This became known as the “impairment prong” of the National Parks test. In Seife, the disputed information almost certainly was required to be submitted to the FDA. Thus, the parties and the court had no reason to consider “impairment” as a foreseeable harm.

RM: Fair point. But whether we’re talking about the government-impairment prong of the National Parks test, or Critical Mass’s “customary” standard for voluntary submissions, I’m not sure it makes a huge difference in the end vis-à-vis foreseeable harm. It seems to me an agency’s explanation of “impairment” would need to be substantive and context-bound. The well-developed caselaw on foreseeable harm and the deliberative-process privilege could be instructive. I also tend to think, at the theoretical level, the government-impairment prong is duplicative of the “competitive harm” prong, as explained in an amicus brief I filed in Argus Leader. But I digress…

(4) Newman v. BOP (D.D.C. May 13, 2022) -- determining that government performed “thorough” searches for records concerning former Cuban exile and inmate Antonio Veciana, whose incarceration and supervision ended in the early 1980s. Of note, the court remarked that this case was “yet another example of the “mismatched incentives” that FOIA creates” because “nonprofit FOIA requestees like [plaintiff] pay little to nothing for their FOIA requests . . . [s]o they do not internalize the costs of a wild goose chase like this one. This case has tasked multiple attorneys at three agencies (including the U.S. Attorney's Office) and several FOIA specialists in the search for decades-old inmate records that by regulation should have been transferred or destroyed years ago. Unsurprisingly, they were. But the cost of this predictably fruitless search is borne by the agencies, and ultimately, American taxpayers.”

AB: This is a fairly routine “adequacy of search” case, but it made my year to read Judge McFadden’s dicta quoted above. He’s absolutely right that American taxpayers should not bear the full costs of FOIA fishing expeditions. Congress should require all requesters, including journalists, to pay fees for all search time beyond the first two hours. Instead, Congress has encouraged requesters to submit far-reaching requests by expanding the meaning of a “representative of the media” and prohibiting agencies from collecting fees when they miss the statute’s short response deadlines. Perhaps Judge McFadden should not have singled out non-profit groups, however; they are certainly not alone in submitting burdensome requests.

RM: Judge McFadden has been on a roll publishing dicta that singles out sections of the requester community and blames them for everything wrong with FOIA . It started in American Center for Law & Justice v. Department of Homeland Security, and it has continued with Newman and Harrington v. Food & Drug Administration. Personally, I find it inappropriate, especially since Judge McFadden’s assumptions are open to challenge. Professor Bernard Bell, for example, has published a short and thought-provoking response to ACLJ and Newman at the Yale Journal on Regulation’s Notice & Comment blog. He makes the point that Judge McFadden ignores the significant costs borne by non-profit requesters when they review agency records post-production, or when they spend time fighting with agencies over ostensibly broad requests pre-litigation. Judge McFadden also fails to appreciate that agencies aren’t always innocent. Although they may face underfunding or understaffing, agencies can be abusive in their rejection of requests as imperfect/unreasonably described. They can be reluctant to provide requesters with information to help with narrowing, and sometimes requesters’ broad requests (and their rush to the courthouse) are entirely warranted. I’m also skeptical the FOIA’s attorney’s fee provision provides as strong an incentive as Judge McFadden suggests. Prevailing in a lawsuit isn’t enough, and courts hardly rubberstamp fee awards; they do a good job considering whether a requester is both eligible and entitled to recover. As for preferential fee categories, call me skeptical that this has any wide-reaching impact. Some agencies choose not to collect, even when they aren’t statutorily barred. (I agree the wisdom of the 2016 FOIA Amendments, in this respect, is open to debate!) And, as Professor Margaret Kwoka’s research demonstrates, the majority of requests aren’t coming from the media or non-profit “watchdogs”—they’re coming from commercial requesters and first-party requesters, neither of which get special fee treatment.

AB: You’ve been dying to get that off your chest for a while, haven’t you? Perfectly understandable given your dutiful service to several non-profit groups with laudable FOIA practices. I confess to being surprised by your remark about preferential fee categories. If you think they have no impact, let’s get rid of them and see what happens. Shall we submit a joint recommendation to the Federal FOIA Advisory Committee asking Congress to enact a three-year pilot program? Judge McFadden has not complained—as far as I know—about the overall number of FOIA requests or lawsuits, but rather that requesters unburdened by fees are more likely to submit requests for voluminous records and/or requests requiring burdensome searches. Does any of Professor Kwoka’s research suggest otherwise? I doubt it.

RM: Professor Kwoka, as far as I’m aware, hasn’t examined whether the fee categories create an incentive for overly broad requests. Happy to be corrected there. But she has acknowledged that, even when fees are charged and collected, they don’t provide a sustainable funding model, if only because many expenses aren’t captured under “search,” “review,” or “duplication.” She’s probably right. And FOIA does tend to be more expensive than anyone ever expects. But all that being said, my fundamental point is that preferential requesters aren’t the problem. As OIP reported for FY 2021, agencies collected fees amounting to “less than 0.4% of the total costs related to the government’s FOIA activities.” There’s simply no way this is happening because the agencies are treating everyone as, say, representatives of the news media, let alone liberally granting public-interest fee waivers. It probably isn’t even because of the fee limitations in the 2016 amendments. Maybe a better pilot program would be to have OIP collect hard data on who is requesting (i.e., how are requesters being categorized for fee purposes), and the specifics of why fees aren’t being collected.

Since I’m on a roll, I’d like to mention one more adequacy-of-search decision from Judge McFadden that not only cites ACLJ but raises a few other red flags: Center for Immigration Services v. USCIS. In this case, Judge McFadden held a FOIA request to be unreasonably described even though the agency had already conducted a search in part because the agency cited “overly burdensome post-search efforts.” Frankly, I see no textual basis in the FOIA to reject voluminous (as opposed to unreasonably described) requests. OIP has long advised agencies that “[t]he sheer size or burdensomeness of a FOIA request, in and of itself, does not entitle an agency to deny that request on the ground that it does not ‘reasonably describe’ records within the meaning of 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(3)(A).” And district courts have explained the only solution for an agency faced with a voluminous request, at least in litigation, is to move for an Open America stay. Most importantly, I find the CIS decision insidious because Judge McFadden balanced the burden of processing against his perception of whether the requested records were relevant to (and would advance) the requester’s “purpose” as a non-profit organization. As a rule, the identity and motive of a requester are absolutely irrelevant to an agency’s disclosure obligations. There are exceptions with certain fee issues. But motive—let alone the perceived relevance of responsive records—should have no bearing on the reasonable-description requirement.

(5) Transgender Law Ctr. v. ICE (9th Cir. Aug. 19, 2022) -- holding that: (1) agencies must prove adequacy of search “beyond material doubt” and that district court erred in finding that DHS adequately searched or records pertaining to asylum-seeker’s death from HIV in federal custody; (2) district court should not have “essentially treated all drafts as necessarily covered by the deliberative process privilege”; (3) district court erred in permitting government to withhold email domain addresses under Exemptions 6 and 7(C); (4) government’s use of Exemption 7(E) was overbroad and district court neglected to analyze whether withheld records were techniques and procedures, and not guidelines; and (5) district court failed to ensure that: (a) the government’s Vaughn Index entries were non-conclusory, (b) the government explained why documents were not segregable, and (c) the government properly designated certain documents as non-responsive or duplicates.

RM: I’m not sure this decision breaks any new ground so much as it’s an important reminder to agencies not to try and be creative with their withholdings, and a warning to district judges not to be lackluster in their review of supporting declarations and Vaughn indices. Of particular note is the panel’s reiteration that not all draft documents are covered by the deliberative-process privilege, as well as the passing comment that records reflecting deliberations over press statements may not implicate “the type of policy decisions the privilege covers.” That latter question has been answered in the D.C. and Second Circuits, but seems open still in the 9th. Finally, I’m amazed there even needed to be a fight over the redaction of government agency domains in official email addresses. The court was right to explain how such information cannot constitute a “similar file.”

AB: I share your puzzlement about the agency’s refusal to release domain email addresses, as well as the defense of Exemption 6 by counsel and the district court. Hello attorney’s fees. The answer to whether public messaging records fall within Exemption 5 in the Ninth Circuit seems to be much closer to “no” than “yes.” The court here directed the release of the agency’s draft press statements instead of giving the agency an opportunity to offer additional evidence to the district court. What else can I say other than the D.C. and Second Circuit courts are right and the Ninth Circuit is wrong.

(6) Harrington v. FDA (D.D.C. Jan. 2022) -- denying plaintiff’s motion seeking “immediate” production of agency’s pet-food-related records and finding that FDA’s proposed production schedule was reasonable; taking into account that agency’s relevant FOIA office had backlog of 336 requests, due “in no small part” to plaintiff’s “staggering 2220+ requests to FDA since 2018”; further noting that plaintiff never sought expedited processing at administrative level and did not meet the statutory test.

AB: Of all the unsuccessful FOIA plaintiffs since 1967, few have deserved to lose more than the plaintiff in this case. As the court pointed out, the agency generously offered to process the requested records in a mere 60 days if plaintiff would allow the agency to pause its work on one of plaintiff’s earlier requests involving hundreds of thousands of pages. Because plaintiff rejected that offer, Judge McFadden was oh-so-right to state that plaintiff had only himself to blame for the agency’s alternative production timeline of one year. Bonus points to the court for inviting Congress to address vexatious FOIA requesters like this this one. Amazingly, plaintiff’s attorney actually considered appealing this case.

RM: This seems to have been a poorly prosecuted case. As the district court noted, the requester failed to file a reply brief. And it seems the requester tried to make an argument that seriously confused the statutory deadline to provide a response, and the separate (and subsequent) requirement to provide a requester with non-exempt responsive records “promptly.” I won’t comment on the vexatious-requester question except to note that if this is real problem in need of a solution—and I’m not convinced it is—then the court was right to invite Congress to provide a statutory fix.

(7) Rocky Mountain Wild, Inc. v. U.S. Forest Serv. (10th Cir. Dec. 30, 2022) -- affirming district court’s decision and finding that: (1) plaintiff waived argument that Vaughn Index was insufficient; (2) agency performed reasonable search for voluminous records concerning proposed highway project; (3) agency properly withheld records pursuant to Exemption 5 and demonstrated prospective harm, but declining to hold that the foreseeable harm provision imposed a “heightened burden”; and (4) district court properly ordered plaintiff to return two documents that agency accidentally disclosed to plaintiff without redaction, even though another organization subsequently posted the documents online.

RM: This is a surprising decision, in my mind. Although the panel averred it was not deciding whether the foreseeable-harm standard imposes any additional burden on an agency to justify withholding beyond satisfying the technical requirements for applying an exemption in the first place, avoiding that question speaks volumes. At least in other circuits, such as D.C. and the 9th, the government has abandoned its atextual and, frankly, preposterous position that the 2016 FOIA Amendments merely codify the discretionary “presumption of openness” most recently articulated in the March 2009 Holder Memo. Rocky Mountain Wild seems to breath new life into that position, sadly, at least in the Tenth Circuit. I also find the Circuit’s holding that the foreseeable-harm standard would have been met, even if it applied as it does elsewhere, to be equally troubling. The panel seriously confused why Exemption 5 exists and can be used in conjunction with civil discovery privileges, with the distinct question of whether disclosure could be reasonably foreseen to cause harm. Mere recitation of the prerequisite for a privilege, or the broad policy reasons for the existence of a privilege, cannot be enough. The statutory language cannot sustain that approach.

AB: Just as I was about to close the book on 2022, the Tenth Circuit pulled me back in. My first thought when I saw the decision was: “Ryan is going to hate this.” Then I cheerfully started humming John Denver’s signature song Rocky Mountain High, because the foreseeable harm provision is truly horrible. FOIA processors should not be expected to be seers who prophesize about harms likely to occur if particular documents are disclosed. The Senate Report to the FOIA Improvement Act of 2016 claimed that the foreseeable harm standard would provide “clearer guidance regarding when to withhold information covered by a discretionary FOIA exemption.” Seriously? What could be clearer than permitting information to be withheld when it falls within an exemption, as the statute operated for 50 years? FOIA improvement? Hardly.

(8) Eddington v. DOD (D.C. Cir., June 3, 2022) -- affirming district court’s decision that requester failed to present sufficient evidence to overcome agency’s declaration that it did not receive any of his requests emailed to 14 DOD components.

AB: We did not include the district court’s decision in our list of top cases last year, but since plaintiff would not leave well enough alone, I felt compelled to add it now. This case illustrates the obvious risk of submitting FOIA requests by email. Just because you click “send” and your email doesn’t bounce back, that doesn’t necessarily mean that the agency actually received it. A prudent requester would have asked the agencies for acknowledgments of receipt within 6 months. But this frequent requester and trigger-happy litigant mistakenly assumed that all 14 agencies were ignoring his requests for 6 months and he marched into court. As the old saying goes, “assuming makes an ass of u and me.”

RM: I’ll admit this appeal really had me scratching my head. As you say, it would have been quite easy (and more prudent!) for the requester to have asked the agency if it had received his many requests. I wouldn’t be surprised if this lawsuit were set up as some sort of strategic challenge, say, to establish a “mailbox” rule for receipt of FOIA requests. If it were really an effort to get records, then it would have been quicker (as the panel suggested in a footnote) to forego appeal and start over.

AB: Uh, sorry, I don’t buy for a split second that plaintiff’s lawsuit was an elaborate strategic challenge from the get-go. A simpler explanation makes more sense: plaintiff, a frequent litigator, was unwilling to swallow the agency’s response and he did not want to risk mooting his lawsuit by submitting new requests. Since you referenced it, the court utterly destroyed plaintiff’s mailbox rule argument. For anyone who’s seen the the movie Top Gun: Maverick, picture the massive blast of the enemy’s uranium enrichment plant, aka “Miracle Number 2.”

(9) Citizens for Responsibility & Ethics in Wash v. DOJ (D.C. Cir., Aug. 19, 2022) -- affirming district court’s decision that DOJ failed to adequately explain how an agency memorandum to Attorney General Barr concerning Mueller Report fell within Exemption 5’s deliberative process privilege; declining to decide whether “a purely hypothetical, academic discussion among agency personnel could qualify under the . . . privilege”; refusing to allow DOJ to present a new argument that memorandum was drafted “for the purpose of determining the content of a possible public statement regarding the report.”

AB: The district court’s 2021 opinion drew considerable attention for calling out DOJ’s “misleading” and “incomplete'“ declarations. Democrats on the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee wasted little time in urging DOJ to forgo an appeal, claiming it was necessary in order to “help rebuild nation’s trust in DOJ’s independence after four years of turmoil.” But the government’s appeal was well taken. The D.C. Circuit all but conceded that DOJ’s new deliberative process privilege argument was likely meritorious. Following precedent, however, the Circuit was constrained to allow the government to belatedly raise a new legal theory in the absence of extraordinary circumstances. In sum, kudos to the DOJ’s appellate staff for yeoman’s work, but all the king’s horses and all the king’s men could not rescue this botched case.

RM: Well, I’m not sure I would describe the government’s appeal as “well taken.” As the CREW opinion explains, DOJ ended up conceding that two of the three grounds for applying the deliberative-process privilege were non-meritorious, and hardly due to the niceties of existing precedent. I would also quibble with whether the panel “all but conceded” the third ground was “likely meritorious.” I read the Circuit as saying the arguments and supporting declarations in the district court before the government’s motion for stay pending appeal did not “make—or even suggest—[a] connection” between the records and deliberations over the preparation of a public statement. The winning argument might have been meritorious in the abstract, but it would have been highly questionable for the agency, which had already been given multiple bites at the apple in the district court, to revise its declarations to correct what it dubiously described as a factual “misimpression.”

(10) NBC 7 San Diego v. DHS (D.D.C. Dec. 20, 2022) -- concluding that DHS and two components failed to provide sufficient explanations as to why they deemed requested records concerning a secret tracking database to be non-responsive, noting that agencies improperly considered “context” of requests instead of identified search terms.

RM: This case grapples with an interesting development in how FOIA requesters draft their requests, and how an agency’s “responsiveness” review occasionally collapses into its search. The court here rejected the agencies’ attempts to conduct a subject-matter responsiveness review about completing a search for records containing identified search terms. Because the underlying requests set the conditions of responsiveness (e.g., “records containing terms x, y, or z”), it was improper for the government to evaluate, as a further matter, whether returned records were relevant to the “substance” or general subject-matter of the request. This approach amounts to an “unreasonable refram[ing].” I’d note, however, that at least one other recent decision has taken a different approach—albeit one that I think is incorrect. Judge Friedrich in Project on Government Oversight v. Department of the Treasury decided to rule in favor of an agency that had used language from the requester’s fee-waiver request to apply a sort of “relevance” review when culling potentially responsive records. The POGO court reasoned that ruling otherwise would have violated the principle that requesters “cannot dictate the search terms for his or her FOIA request.”

AB: I agree with the court’s decision in NBC 7 San Diego. If I had made the same request, I might have authorized the agency to cull the documents by a general subject matter depending on how many records had been located. But many requesters do not trust agencies to do this, and sometimes a requester does not have an umbrella subject. If I were still at Treasury, I would have been reluctant to bless the process used by the agency in the POGO case —that is, not until the agency had reached out to the requester to seek clarification.

* * *

FOIA Commentary: 2022 FOIA news in review

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)Allan BlutsteinComment

As a new year gets underway, the staff of FOIA Advisor are pleased to provide a summary of the most notable FOIA developments outside the courthouse in 2022. We will discuss our top 10 court decisions issued last year in a forthcoming post.

Legislative proposals

Despite a great deal of scuttlebutt over the prospect of comprehensive FOIA reform in the last Congress—especially in light of the then-expected (now-realized) retirement of long-time FOIA advocate Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT)—there were only a handful of legislative proposals introduced in calendar year 2022 that substantively dealt with public access issues.

  • On March 15, 2022, U.S. Senator Jodi Ernst (R-IA) introduced the Watchdog Act, which would have created a new agency within the Executive Office of the President tasked with overseeing the implementation of all federal transparency laws, including the FOIA and Privacy Act.

  • On June 14, 2022, U.S. Senators Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Tom Cotton (R-AR) introduced the First Opportunity for Information to Americans Act (or FOIA Fix Act), which would have limited FOIA requests to U.S. citizens, legal aliens, and entities with a principal place of business in the United States or U.S. territory.

  • On December 9, 2022, U.S. Senators Pat Toomey (R-PA) and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) unveiled the Financial Regulators Transparency Act of 2022, which among other things would have extended the FOIA’s reach to regional Federal Reserve Banks and created special privileges and access rights for congressional requesters seeking records from the Federal Reserve, CFPB, SEC, FDIC, OCC, NCUA, and FHFA.

None of the foregoing proposals became law. But the Consolidated Appropriations Act for 2023, which did receive the President’s signature on December 29, 2022, included at least one substantive section dealing with the FOIA. Specifically, Section 406 requires the Department of Veterans Affairs to devise and implement a five-year plan to improve the agency’s FOIA technology, permit FOIA officers to conduct searches and review directly (rather than relying on search memoranda, for example), and to set milestones for reduction of the processing backlog. The section also requires OGIS to assess the VA’s compliance with the FOIA, and for the agency to provide annual reports to Congress and the public on the progress of the five-year backlog-reduction plan.

Regulatory updates

By our count, six agencies proposed changes to their FOIA regulations in 2022: Central Intelligence Agency; Office of the Intellectual Property Enforcement Coordinator; Environmental Protection Agency; Office of Special Counsel; Corporation for National and Community Service; and the Export-Import Bank.

Seven agencies issued final rules amending their FOIA regulations: Food and Drug Administration; Office of Special Counsel; Corporation for National and Community Service; U.S. Agency for International Development; Export-Import Bank; Federal Mine Safety and Health Review Commission; and the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation.

(Additionally, the EPA’s 2019 direct final rule implementing various changes to the agency’s FOIA regulations survived legal challenge in Ecological Rights Found. v. Envtl. Prot. Agency (D.D.C. Sept. 12, 2022).)

Attorney General memorandum

Attorney General Merrick Garland issued FOIA guidance to agencies on March 15, 2022, much to the delight of non-profit groups that had petitioned Garland in April 2021 and January 2022. The new guidance identifies four main principles: (1) a presumption of openness; (2) proactive disclosures; (3) removing barriers to access and reducing backlogs; and (4) ensuring fair and effective FOIA administration. Garland’s memo superseded Attorney General Eric Holder’s 2009 FOIA guidance, which the Trump Administration left in place.

Federal FOIA Advisory Committee recommendations

The most recent term of the federal FOIA Advisory Committee concluded in June 2022 with publication the next month of a final report and set of recommendations to the Archivist of the United States. Among other things, the Committee suggested reforms to the use of “Neither Confirm Nor Deny”/Glomar responses, as well as classification under Executive Order 13526; further consideration of the impact of Section 508 of the Rehabilitation Act on the FOIA; more frequent publication of FOIA logs; changes to the first-person request process; and a strengthening of the role OGIS places in FOIA administration.

Miscellaneous developments

  • The phase-out of FOIAonline continues. As of the date of this blogpost, NARA, NRS, and SBA are no longer using FOIAonline to manage FOIA requests, and CBP has stopped accepting new requests through the portal. The EPA still plans to “sunset” the FOIAonline platform by the end of 2023.

  • Relatedly, DHS has started transitioning away from its legacy FOIAXpress Public Access Portal, and is now managing requests across most DHS sub-agencies (with the exception of USCIS, OIG, and the Secret Service) through the new “SecureRelease” platform.

  • DOJ’s Office of Information Policy and NARA have announced their cooperation with GSA to develop new FOIA “business standards” to facilitate improved compliance and more efficient processing. As part of that initiative, NARA hosted a NexGen FOIA Tech Showcase in February 2022, which aimed to identify new technological solutions for FOIA case management. Additionally, OIP is working on an interactive “FOIA wizard” to help users “navigate” FOIA.gov.

  • In December 2022, the White House published the Fifth U.S. Open National Action Plan. As part of that plan, DOJ has committed to take a number of steps to bolster openness and transparency, including issuing an updated FOIA Self-Assessment Toolkit, finalizing shared FOIA business standards (as described above), and improving the user experience on FOIA.gov.

  • Although not directly related to the FOIA, at the end of December 2022, the Office of Management and Budget published Memorandum M-23-07 concerning the transition of all Federal agencies to an “electronic” or “paperless” environment. Among other things, Federal agencies are now expected to manage all permanent records in an electronic format by the end of June 2024, and to thereafter transfer records in electronic format with all metadata whenever depositing those records with the Archives.

Commentary: Making FOIA great again?

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)Allan BlutsteinComment

As we reported yesterday, a bill expected to be introduced by Senators Marco Rubio and Tom Cotton would, among other things, prohibit federal agencies from disclosing records to certain foreign citizens and entities under the Freedom of Information Act. The FOIA Advisor staff—Ryan Mulvey (RM), Kevin Schmidt (KS), and Allan Blutstein (AB)—weighs in on the proposed amendments below.

KS: I’m not sold on the national security justification for the bill. FOIA exemptions exist to make sure the most sensitive government information stays secret regardless of the status of the requester. And speaking of that, how is a FOIA officer going to confirm the citizenship of the requester? There’s no information about that in the draft bill. FOIA officers have enough to deal with already. They don’t need to try to find out the citizenship status of every requester.

Sen. Rubio says the fact that foreign nationals can request records under FOIA is a “glaring loophole.” Are agencies facing a glut of FOIA requests from foreign nationals outside of the immigration space? I have no idea, but I’d be interested if anyone has seen numbers. A more reasonable argument in my mind would be that we shouldn’t use scarce resources on requests from foreign nationals, but that’s not the leading argument being made.

RM: I agree that it would be interesting to see what percentage of requesters are foreign nationals (or foreign governments or foreign business entities), assuming such information is even collected and verified by agencies. I should think the percentage is rather low, and lower still once one brackets out people seeking immigration-related records, who are still permissible requesters in the Rubio-Cotton bill.

I also take issue with the “glaring loophole” characterization of FOIA. I’m not sure the legislative history, or attendant caselaw, supports Senator Rubio’s claim. There are already judicially created exceptions to the “any person” standard, but I’ve never seen language suggesting Congress accidentally gave foreigners the right to request records. If anything, the fact Congress has already amended FOIA to prohibit requests from foreign government entities to intelligence community agencies—see 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(3)(E)—suggests it knows how to grapple with the sort of national security concerns raised by Senator Cotton.

Turning to the other substantive proposals in the bill, I can only conclude this is a political stunt rather than a serious attempt at reform. We’re offered a bunch of (bad) solutions in search of non-existent problems. I note, for example, the vagueness of the provision criminalizing what I assume to be proxy requests on behalf of prohibited requesters. Another, more troubling provision would give an agency the discretion to “determine the manner in which a request is fulfilled . . . if [it] has a reasonable belief that fulfilling the request in the manner requested by the requester” would “result in the exposure of [non-responsive] material” or “pose[] a material security risk” to the federal government. What is this? Is this an exclusion? An exemption? What does it mean to “fulfill” a request? And why is non-responsive material, as such, a problem? How will that first sub-provision impinge on the open question of what constitutes a “record”? The latter clause touching on “material security risks” seems ambiguous. Do Exemptions 1 and 3 not already provide enough protection to keep sensitive, national-security information secret?

Finally, I have deep reservations about the proposed tenth exemption for materials “susceptible to reverse engineering.” This strikes me as a sort of “catchall” that draws on mosaic theory and the pre-Milner scope of Exemption 2. I have a hard time imaging what the exemption would cover that couldn’t already be withheld under another existing exemption. I won’t even get into the problem of understanding the “interests of the United States” in the proposed balancing test, and the implications for the foreseeable harm standard.

AB: Your points are well taken and I am confident this effort will fail. I am not offended by—but do not think it necessary to enact—a FOIA citizenship requirement. Our neighbor to the North limits access to agency records to Canadian citizens and permanent residents; however, they do not criminalize or disallow proxy requests. Additionally, a number of U.S. states have citizenship or residency requirements, including Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Kentucky, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia, which the U.S. Supreme Court has blessed. I agree with you, Kevin, that enforcement would be logistically challenging, but where there’s a will there’s a way? The government has managed to create a “PreCheck” travel program with 10 million members; it should be able to figure out a screening process for considerably fewer FOIA requesters.

As for the remaining provisions, I have long maintained that agencies should be able to “scope out” information that requesters have not asked for. Perhaps the language here needs to be tweaked, but I support the overall objective. I agree with you, Ryan, that the exemption proposed to protect certain technology appears to be unnecessary. Section 1.4(e) of Executive Order 13,526 already allows agencies to classify “scientific, technological, or economic matters relating to the national security.”

Commentary: Top decisions of 2021

FOIA Commentary (2017-2024)Allan BlutsteinComment

Federal courts issue hundreds of decisions in FOIA cases every year. Most do not break new legal ground or attract significant media attention. As 2022 gets under way, the legal eagles of FOIA Advisor -- Allan Blutstein (AB) and Ryan Mulvey (RM) -- look back at 2021 and identify the decisions that stood out to them (in no particular order).

(1) U.S. Fish & Wildlife Serv. v. Sierra Club (U.S., Mar. 4, 2021) -- in a 7-2 decision, ruling that the agency properly relied on Exemption 5’s deliberative process privilege to withhold draft biological opinions that were prepared by lower-level staff and never approved by decisionmakers or sent to EPA under the Endangered Species Act.

AB: This was only the third FOIA decision issued by the U.S. Supreme Court since 2011, so readers will not be surprised to see it on our list. The Court’s earlier two FOIA decisions—Argus Leader (2019) and Milner (2011)— were far more consequential, however, and I suspect the media would have ignored this case if it had not been Justice Barrett’s first majority opinion. In sum, I agree with the Office of Information Policy’s guidance in which it advised that the decision “did not introduce new factors or considerations that would govern the application of Exemption 5,” but underscored two principles: (1) “[a] record is not ‘final’ for purposes of the deliberative process privilege simply because it is the last version and nothing else follows it”; and (2) “[a] record is final not because it causes an agency to change course, but because it is treated by the agency as a final decision with legal effect.”

RM: My initial impression last spring was that this case would have a fairly limited impact, given its unique facts and the nature of the biological opinions at issue. I’ve grown more pessimistic, especially as I’ve seen how DOJ attorneys in my own practice are trying to use the case. There are several aspects of the Court’s reasoning that, over time, could seriously change the deliberative-process privilege landscape. Now, I have no quarrel with the notion that a “final” record is one that “communicates a policy on which the agency has settled.” And that no doubt requires attending to how the agency treats that record. I’m not sure, however, what it means to consider “real operative effect” in light of “legal, not practical consequences.” In the context of biological opinions, it is reasonable to think of “finality” as you would under Bennett v. Spear. But agencies makes lots of decisions that never end up determining rights or obligations, or which never result in “legal” consequences, strictly speaking. So OIP’s reference to “legal effect,” and Justice Barret’s repeated citation to Bennet is concerning. If the pre-decisional aspect of a record turns on whether its communicates a policy with actual legal consequences, we could witness a massive expansion of what is considered privileged.

(2) Cause of Action Inst. v. DOJ (D.C. Cir., June 1, 2021 ) -- reversing district court’s decision and concluding that: (1) DOJ improperly segmented one large electronic file into separate records and withheld portions as non-responsive; (2) plaintiff had standing to challenge agency’s practice and policy of segmenting records, but issue was unripe for adjudication.

RM: As a disclaimer, I argued this case. I’m honored you would choose to include it in our list of consequential cases, Allan! Unsurprisingly, I agree it’s an important decision, and a consequential follow-up to the Circuit’s 2016 decision in American Immigration Lawyers Ass’n v. Executive Office for Immigration Review. The heart of the case deals with the definition of a “record,” and the importance of understanding that foundational term before turning to the question of agency control or the application of exemptions. In the wake of AILA, and with the end of scoping, many agencies turned from withholding portions of records as “Non-Responsive,” to arguing those same portions were distinct non-responsive “records.” Even though the Circuit didn’t settle on an objective definition and didn’t reach the policy-and-practice claim that challenged the legality of OIP’s guidance on defining a “record” under the FOIA, I still think it took a step in the right direction by focusing on how records are maintained and treated prior to the submission of a FOIA request. If an agency maintains a record as unitary whole, it shouldn’t be able to break it up when processing for disclosure, at least without requester consent. In case anyone is interested, I explored the import of the case in greater detail a while back at the Yale Journal on Regulation’s Notice & Comment blog.

I’d only add that the court’s decision on ripeness is bizarre. I don’t understand how ripeness is relevant to a policy-and-practice claim, and I don’t see how Judge Edward’s concern about “contingent future events” squares with his discussion of standing and the demonstration of likely future application of a challenged policy or practice. Taken to its logical extension, Cause of Action Institute could gut Payne, especially as far as informal policies and practices are concerned. In the end, the practical effect may be that OIP guidance is immune from judicial review, unless there is a clear adoption of the guidance within an agency.

AB: No one outside the government knows this case better than you and your colleagues, Ryan, so I will address a different aspect of it, namely the perplexing way this litigation managed to occur. Once the requester filed an administrative appeal disputing the “non-responsive” withholdings, DOJ could have—and I would argue should have—treated the appeal as a new request and processed the disputed records. Instead of mooting the matter as such, DOJ took the requester’s bait and risked its “distinct records” policy and practice in court. Given the lopsided oral argument (kudos, Ryan), DOJ must have been thrilled with the mixed verdict here.

(3) Rojas v. FAA (9th Cir., Mar. 2, 2021) (en banc) -- holding in most relevant part that the “consultant corollary” applied to documents prepared for agency by outside consulting firm and affirming district court’s decision that two of three disputed documents were protected by Exemption 5’s attorney work-product privilege; Jobe v. NTSB (5th Cir., June 17, 2021) -- reversing and remanding district court’s decision and holding that “outside parties solicited by the NTSB qualify as ‘consultants’ under Exemption 5’s consultant corollary; rejecting district court’s view that technical personnel employed by aircraft manufacturers and operators have too much “self-interest” in outcome of NTSB investigations to be regarded as consultants;

AB: The government thwarted attempts to upend its longstanding use of the consultant corollary and it topped off those wins in early 2022 when the U.S. Supreme Court denied petitions for each case. Nicely done, government litigators. Requesters are running out of circuits in which to litigate this issue. Perhaps they’ll try to persuade lawmakers to do their bidding instead.

RM: As a policy matter, I have no real quarrel with the consultant corollary per se, although I find the textualist analysis offered by the dissenters in the Ninth and Fifth Circuits to be persuasive. Whatever ambiguity there may be in the term “intra-agency,” I don’t think the plain meaning calls to mind the kinds of consultants implicated in Rojas, let alone Jobe. (Side note: I think Jobe could have been reversed, and perhaps should have been reversed, simply by applying Klamath and without deciding the validity of the consultant corollary.) Every time I read footnote two of Justice Scalia’s dissent in Department of Justice v. Julian, with its purposivist betrayal of the statutory text, I just shake my head. But here’s a hot take: my real heartburn is caused by the long-standing D.C. Circuit caselaw undergirding the consultant corollary—e.g., Soucie v. David and Ryan v. Department of Justice—and how it has been used to expand the meaning of Exemption 5’s threshold to cover inter-branch communications between agencies and the President or Congress.

(4) Cause of Action Inst. v. OMB (D.C. Cir., Aug. 20, 2021) -- affirming district court’s decision that Internet browsing histories of OMB and USDA officials did not qualify as “agency records,” because “the agencies’ retention and access policies for browsing histories, along with the fact that they did not use any of the officials’ browsing histories” indicated that the agencies did not control the requested records.

RM: Another case I argued…I promise I didn’t add it to our list! As interested as I was to read OMB Director Mulvaney’s Internet browsing history, I always saw our fight as touching on something much more impactful and theoretical. In my mind, this case was really about proper application of Burka, and whether its third factor—namely, actual use—is dispositive to the control inquiry, especially in the context of agency-created records. We were trying to get some clarity on the proper import of Judicial Watch, Inc. v. Federal Housing Finance Agency. Alas, we were unsuccessful. The silver lining, however, was the Court’s clarification that “[t]he text and structure of FOIA . . . make clear that whether the requested materials are ‘agency records’ goes to the merits of the dispute . . . rather than the court’s jurisdictional power to hear the case.” This is something requesters have had to fight with the government about for a number of years; hopefully, DOJ will stop trying to dismiss novel FOIA suits under Rule 12(b)(1)! One final note: although this case involved requests denied by OMB and USDA, there was a third request directed to Amtrak that ended up not making it into the Complaint. Why? Amtrak gave us their top officials’ browsing histories. And guess what? They really like looking at pictures of trains!

AB: Government employees are breathing slightly easier now. Had the court ruled in appellant’s favor, FOIA offices would have been flooded by these pesky requests. Granted, agencies would have been able to invoke applicable exemptions (Exemptions 5 and 6 come to mind), and employees would have learned to delete their histories, browse in private mode, or use personal devices to do their Cyber Monday shopping. I agree with you about the silver lining. The D.C. Circuit had not squarely addressed that particular jurisdictional/merits question, though the answer seemed clear enough given the court’s similar 2009 decision in Citizens for Responsibility & Ethics in Wash. v. Office of Admin.

(5) Nat. Res. Def. Council v. EPA (2nd Cir., Nov. 29, 2021) -- reversing in part and vacating in part district court’s decision and holding that: (1) “messaging documents”— i.e., records relating to agency’s decision about how to communicate its policies to people outside the agency—merit protection under Exemption 5’s deliberative process privilege unless they reflect “merely descriptive discussions”; and (2) “briefing documents”—i.e., records “created to brief senior agency staff about various topics”—could qualify under the deliberative process privilege even if they did not relate to a specific decision facing the agency.”

AB: My reaction to this decision can be summed up in one word that was used frequently by John Madden, the recently departed Hall of Fame football coach and broadcaster: “Boom!” The D.C. Circuit has long rejected the Exemption 5 arguments shilled by plaintiff here; it was satisfying to see the Second Circuit finally lower the boom. Unfortunately, requesters can still find refuge in the Ninth Circuit, which clings to a shortsighted notion about messaging records. See, e.g., Nat'l Pub. Radio v. U.S. Int'l Dev. Fin. Corp. (C.D. Cal., Nov. 21, 2021).

RM: It was only a matter of time. I tend to think the deliberative-process privilege is most appropriate when applied to records that reflect substantive policy decision-making. But I recognize it’s hard to come up with a categorical rule, and I also acknowledge there could be real harm in revealing some internal discussions about “messaging.” I suppose my view is colored by agencies trying to withhold records to avoid political embarrassment, rather than to protect employee candor and the integrity of their decision-making processes. At this point, any real effort to limit the use of the deliberative-process privilege is going to require congressional intervention and a reworking of Exemption 5. Alternatively, a robust “foreseeable harm” standard could be an effective check on over-redaction. The D.C. Circuit nudged things in favor of the requesters in that regard this past year in Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press v. Federal Bureau of Investigation.

(6) NY Legal Assistance Grp. v. Bd. Immigration Appeals (2nd Cir., Feb. 5, 2021) -- in a 2-1 decision, vacating and remanding district court’s decision that agency was not required to affirmative publish its non-precedential opinions pursuant to 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(2).

RM: There were some interesting circuit splits that materialized or deepened in 2021. The Ninth Circuit, for example, parted ways with the Second and took a different approach to the Tiahrt Rider, the OPEN FOIA Act’s Exemption 3 reforms, and the question of legislative entrenchment. Ctr. for Investigative Reporting v. DOJ, 14 F.4th 916 (9th Cir. Sept. 23, 2021); Everytown for Gun Safety Support Fund v. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco & Firearms, 984 F.3d 30 (2d Cir. 2020). We also saw the Second Circuit join with the Ninth to reject the D.C. Circuit’s extremely limited provision of relief for requesters bringing claims under 552(a)(2)—otherwise known as the FOIA’s “reading room” provision. See CREW v. DOJ, 846 F.3d 1235 (D.C. Cir. 2017). Frankly, I’ve always found the CREW court’s narrow reading of the FOIA’s remedial provision to be quite weak. I’m glad to see the Second Circuit willing, in theory, to force agencies to comply with their proactive disclosure obligations.

AB: Unlike you, I was not “glad” to see this Second Circuit decision. Rather, I agree with the dissent’s conclusion that “[t]his state of affairs makes little sense.” Congress ought to fix this mess instead of leaving it for the Supreme Court to resolve, but I certainly won’t hold my breath. My sense is that FOIA lobbyists are pursuing several grander proposals, such as a (terrible) across-the-board public interest balancing test and a (reasonable by comparison) reinstatement of Exemption 4’s substantial competitive harm test.